DZIWEX1981 · a record
Polski English

People and institutions

On one side a state firm and two Italian agencies. On the other a few journalists and several hundred women. Names are given as they appear in the sources: in full where they were published, abbreviated where the press abbreviated them.

What ZPR was

Zjednoczone Przedsiębiorstwa Rozrywkowe (ZPR, "United Entertainment Enterprises") was a state enterprise created in 1948 by order of the Minister of Culture and Art, in agreement with the Minister of the Treasury and the head of the Central Planning Office. Its task was written down as "providing decent and popular entertainment by organising and running culture parks, circuses and funfairs, and travelling menageries".[20] In time ZPR came to cover almost all of communist Poland's mass entertainment: circuses, stage and variety shows, training of performers, festivals including those in Sopot and Opole, "developing foreign cooperation and exchange in artistic and entertainment services", lotteries, and arcades with pinball and slot machines.[21] It was under this "international exchange" that ZPR's Artistic Events Office and its export and import department signed contracts with Italian agencies.[2][3]

Where it came from

ZPR's predecessor was a state enterprise called the Chief Directorate of Entertainment Shows, created by an order of the Minister of Culture and Art of 2 May 1946. An order of 30 March 1948 renamed it Zjednoczone Przedsiębiorstwa Rozrywkowe, with its seat in Łódź.[20] ZPR had no founder in the sense of a person: it was created by the minister and run by a Directorate "appointed and dismissed by the Minister of Culture and Art, consisting of a Director representing the Directorate independently and two deputies".[20] That was the ordinary arrangement for a state enterprise. Online sources name no directors from the 1950s to 1970s; in 1981 the director was Stanisław Nowotny.[2]

How it got into this business

Performers' trips abroad were a state monopoly in communist Poland, and the state earned hard currency from them. The main intermediary was the Polish Artistic Agency Pagart, created on 31 December 1956 and wound up in 1992.[23] "Without Pagart nobody could go abroad on a contract," the broadcaster Wojciech Mann recalled. Pagart took 10 percent of earnings for performances in "fraternal countries" and 20 percent in capitalist ones, and acted as a passport office: performers collected their passports there before leaving and handed them back on return. The singer Maryla Rodowicz wrote that a Pagart representative would sometimes "come to collect a sum he had invented himself, sometimes even hinting that he would not mind another form of payment, in kind".[44] Those were the manners of the state trade in performers in which ZPR also operated. ZPR had "developing foreign cooperation and exchange in artistic and entertainment services" in its statute and its own Artistic Events Office with an export and import department.[21][3] Director Nowotny stated the purpose plainly: "By exporting our troupes we earn the fees of the foreign artists we bring to Poland."[2] How and when ZPR's export department came into contact with Olivero is told by a single sentence: Cassaglia "met a Hungarian variety artist who gave him the contacts to ZPR staff", and in 1980 "began penetrating this market".[2] Dobrowolska dates the recruitment from 1977.[5] The earlier history of this channel is unknown.

Who allowed it

The advert was signed by the Ochota District Culture Centre with ZPR's Artistic Events Office; the auditions were run by ZPR's "authorised committees"; service passports were issued to the women as ZPR employees; the contracts were signed in the ZPR office; the money went through the Polish consulate in Milan.[2][3] Every one of those rungs was the state. Only staff of the export and import department were charged and convicted, with suspended sentences.[1][2] Nobody in ZPR's management, in the Ministry of Culture or in the consular service was held responsible, at least according to the available sources.

What became of it

ZPR was therefore neither a shell company nor a private middleman. It was an institution of the state. That is exactly why, as the militia spokesman admitted, the scheme "bore the marks of legality".[2] It survived to the end of communism. On 23 September 1991 the culture minister launched the enterprise's transformation and the same day dismissed its director-general Zbigniew Benbenek; a week later an employee company, ZPR S.A., was formed, which on 7 October signed a lease of the assets with the State Treasury, with the same Benbenek at its head. The Supreme Audit Office later found the privatisation had been carried out contrary to the statute and the assets undervalued by 4.81 million złoty.[24][25] Today ZPR S.A. runs a casino chain and is the majority shareholder of a media group.[21] According to press profiles, Benbenek, born in 1949, worked at ZPR from the late 1970s on arcade and slot machines, a different part of the enterprise from the department that exported troupes.[25][39] No source on the 1981 case mentions him or any later owner; their connection to the case is the continuity of the firm. A records fonds titled "Zjednoczone Przedsiębiorstwa Rozrywkowe w Warszawie" is listed in the Polish state archives database szukajwarchiwach.gov.pl.[22]

The Polish side

Stanisław Nowotny
Director of Zjednoczone Przedsiębiorstwa Rozrywkowe (ZPR) in 1981, "Stanisław N." in some sources. He flatly denied any contact between the firm and the mafia: contracts were made "only with licensed artistic agencies. Such as Thea Maggioli and Olivero." He defended the exports ("By exporting our troupes we earn the fees of the foreign artists we bring to Poland"), defended the arrested Cassaglia ("maybe not very educated, six years of primary school, but very committed"; Kowalik attributes these words to Nowotny, Dzierżanowski to the head of the export and import department) and pointed to the "consumption optional" clause.[2] He was not charged; the sources do not say whether he faced any consequences. According to an obituary of August 2015, Stanisław Nowotny was director of Estrada Poznańska, the Poznań state variety agency, from 1974 to 1979 and created the International Variety Spring festival (1976 to 1980), and "then" became director of Zjednoczone Przedsiębiorstwa Rozrywkowe. The obituary credits him with introducing artist management "on the Western model" and opening Western markets to the singer Krzysztof Krawczyk; in his last years he sat on the board of the Kórnik Works Foundation. He died in August 2015, aged 75. The obituary does not mention the 1981 case. It is almost certainly the same man: same name, same post, same years.[38]
Jan Ch., head of ZPR's export and import department
Kurier Polski wrote of "the arrest of a group of Polish pimps employed in ZPR's export department". The Kulisy reporter reached Jan Ch., released after 48 hours, who introduced himself as head of that department: "Last year I signed permission for only a few variety troupes to go to Italy. Unless somebody organised illegal transport under my institution's name."[2][3] In 1984 the head of ZPR's export and import department was sentenced to two years suspended and a fine, for currency offences only.[1][2] The sources do not explicitly confirm that this is the same person.
Staff of ZPR's foreign department
Charged, sentenced to one year suspended and fines.[1] In court they said the indictment was "a slander of innocent people who were trying to earn the firm hard currency, so badly lacking in the state treasury".[2] No available source gives their names. One of them admitted on camera in "Atrakcja z tłem" that he had taken dollar bribes from the Italians for sending "ballerinas" west.[2][3] Lewandowski described another who took 20 dollars from the women per night with a client and 500 dollars from a club owner for a monthly flat rate; he devoted a paragraph to the man's sexual orientation, which Dzierżanowski rightly calls making a point of an irrelevant fact.[2][3]
Recruiters "on the payroll as choreography specialists"
That is how Antena described the people who ran the auditions. The press did not name them.[2]
Ochota District Culture Centre
Co-organiser of the recruitment according to the 1980 advert. Its role beyond the advert is not described in the sources.[3]

The Italian side

Olivero, Alessandria
A licensed artistic agency that ordered troupes from ZPR. Antena wrote that its bosses were "known criminals in that country".[2] In the previous year its people had been in Poland six times and "bought four troupes".[2] After the trial it cut all contact with Polish partners.[2]
Camillo Cassaglia, in the Italian press Carmelo Cassalia
Polish sources give "Camillo Cassaglia"; the Turin daily La Stampa in 1981 consistently wrote "Carmelo Cassalia, 51" and called him the former owner ("fu proprietario") of the Omnibus club in Cassano Spinola near Alessandria.[26][27] It is the same person: same partner, same club, same arrest in Warsaw. Olivero's impresario. He began "penetrating" the Polish market in 1980; "in his own country he met a Hungarian variety artist who gave him the contacts to ZPR staff". He met the groups at the airport in person. Arrested with Massieri at Hotel Europejski when they came "for a new transport". Both names were revealed by Życie Literackie. Released on bail of 100,000 dollars, he returned to Italy and died of lung cancer a few months before the trial.[2][3]
Claudio Massieri, in the Italian press Carlo Masseri
Cassaglia's deputy. La Stampa gives the first name Carlo and the surname Masseri, and says of both Italians that they "had been involved in the Omnibus night club in Cassano Spinola and are now involved in an agency bringing Polish dancers and other artists to Italy".[26] That is the only information about him outside the Polish sources. His name, in any spelling, does not appear again in the searched issues of La Stampa for 1974 to 1985 or in the l’Unità archive for 1970 to 1995; his age, home and later fate are unknown. Arrested with him, released on bail, never appeared at trial. "Poland had no extradition treaty with the Italian state at the time", and the investigators did not know his address.[2]
Thea Maggioli and Mario Gaviraghi
The second agency and its owner, who according to the Polish sources "prudently never crossed the Polish border".[2] The name "Thea Maggioli" appears only in Polish sources; in the Italian press of the time the same business appears as a "theatrical agency" in via Pietrapiana in Florence, run by Mario Gaviraghi, 35, and called the "Agenzia Gaviraghi".[34][35] Gaviraghi was arrested by the carabinieri in Florence in early November 1980, four months before the Antena article. His story is told below, under "The Gaviraghi agency in Florence". According to Lewandowski he was later released on bail.[8] Mariola from Rzeszów estimated that about 700 Polish women worked in his venues;[2] the Italian press wrote of about five hundred women hired through the agency over two years.[35]
Moulin del Topo
Identified: it is the "Mulin del Topo" in Fucecchio, near Florence. In November 1980 its owner and its director were among the fourteen people arrested in the Gaviraghi agency case.[34][35] A venue of that name still operates in Fucecchio; in 2013 people running it were among 32 people whom prosecutors asked to send to trial for criminal association to facilitate illegal immigration and exploit prostitution in Tuscan night clubs.[37] We do not know whether it is the same business as in 1980, and we do not connect the present owners with the case.
Rosa Pantera, Blue Notte
"Provincial clubs around Milan and Florence".[2] They could not be identified. They are not among the four clubs in the Florence inquiry of November 1980.[34] The names do not appear as night venues in the searched issues of La Stampa for 1981 to 1985 or in the l’Unità archive for 1977 to 1986; searches return only the Pink Panther films and unrelated discos. Present-day venues with similar names, in Italy or Costa Rica for instance, have no source linking them to the case. The Polish sources may have given the names inexactly, but that cannot be checked without the text of the 1981 Antena article. Their owners are unknown.

The Omnibus in Cassano Spinola

The Omnibus is the only one of the clubs that can be located and described today. It stood in Cassano Spinola, a municipality in the province of Alessandria in Piedmont, not far from Alessandria, where the Olivero agency was based.[27][28] In 1981 Magda placed it "near Florence";[2] the Italian press and local sources point unambiguously to Cassano Spinola, which fits Piotrowski's account of reaching Alessandria and sleeping at the Omnibus.[2][27]

The building began as a hotel and restaurant when the area lived off spa tourism at the sulphur springs of Sardigliano. In time a night venue with dancers was added to the restaurant, one of the first in the province.[29][30] According to La Stampa in June 1981 the Omnibus was "the first stage of the Italian road" for the Polish women: there "the girls' 'abilities' were checked", and their job was "entertaining the clients, drinking wine or champagne with them".[27] The venue had previously belonged to Cassaglia, Cassalia in the Italian press.[27] Who owned it in 1981 the paper does not say.

The venue carried on and stayed in the crime pages. In September 1984 a crude bomb went off at 3 a.m. at the entrance of the Omnibus restaurant, on via Villalvernia on the road from Cassano to Tortona; the damage exceeded 50 million lire, and the carabinieri of Novi Ligure leaned towards a protection racket. In December 1984, on the night of a lavish reopening of the renovated venue with striptease and a television star, the carabinieri arrested the then owner on a warrant from a Modena judge, on charges of extortion and threats over a debt. We do not name the 1984 owners: no source links them to the 1981 case.[31][32] In summer 1985 a Polish troupe brought in through Pagart performed there.[2] In the late 1990s and early 2000s the police intervened there repeatedly; renamed Biblos, it closed in 2003.[29][30] In 2010 an Asti property company bought it, planning flats, but never obtained the change of land use. In 2014 the Rio Predazzo stream flooded the complex. After several failed auctions, including one in 2017 with a starting price of 396,000 euros, it was sold in April 2021 for 53,000 euros with plans to reopen a hotel and restaurant.[29][30] The present owners have no connection whatever with the 1981 case.

The Gaviraghi agency in Florence

The Italian press described Mario Gaviraghi's agency in autumn 1980, before anyone in Poland wrote about "Dziwex". What follows rests on four articles in the communist daily l’Unità, read from the page scans; the translations are ours.

This is almost certainly the event the Polish reports describe as "a girl strangled with a nylon stocking forced down her throat" in Gaviraghi's venue, "the mafia's calling card, for a victim who talked too much".[2] The stocking in the throat and the reading as a warning are the same. Two things differ: the victim was a woman of 51, not a girl, and she died in her own flat, not in a club. The paper linked the murder to the case only as a hypothesis. The searched issues of l’Unità up to 1987 say nothing about whether the murder was solved or how the case against the agency ended.

What the Italian side found

The Turin daily La Stampa covered the case three times on its pages for the province of Alessandria. These articles are the only Italian period source found, and they show how the case looked from the other side of the border. The translations are ours.

We machine-searched the text (OCR) of the La Stampa issues for 1974 to 1985 held by archive.org (roughly a fifth of the issues could not be downloaded) and the l’Unità archive for 1977 to 1986. Apart from the three 1981 articles they contain no mention of Cassaglia, Massieri or the Olivero agency: nothing on the Omnibus under Cassaglia, nothing on what became of the two Italians. Nor did we find any Italian register entry or article confirming that an agency called “Olivero” existed; it is known only from Polish sources. How the inquiries in Alessandria and Savona ended is not known.

The journalists

Jan Śpiewak, Antena
Author of "Dziwex i mafia", spring 1981 (Antena of 21–26 April according to Dobrowolska, March according to Kowalik), which gave the case its name and its publicity. His article is the source of most of the most drastic claims.[2][3][7] Nothing else is known about him. He is neither the poet Jan Śpiewak, who died in 1967, nor the present-day Warsaw activist of the same name, born in 1986. Antena was the weekly of the state broadcasting committee; until March 1981 it appeared as "Radio i Telewizja" and then, keeping its numbering, took the title "Antena – pismo widzów i słuchaczy", so the Dziwex items appeared in its first weeks under the new name. Library catalogues may list the 1981 issues under either title (ISSN 0208-7782).[43]
Maciej Piotrowski, Kulisy
The only reporter who went to Italy. His editors refused a travel allowance; he took one for Poznań "as cover", hitched to Alessandria, lived for two days on food brought from Poland and slept at the Omnibus. He was a key witness at the trial, as the only one who had seen the booths.[2][3]
Jan Lewandowski, Ekspres Reporterów
Author of the report "Blondynki na sprzedaż" of January 1982.[2][8] The lubimyczytac.pl catalogue attributes the volume containing it to Jan Lewandowski, born 23 February 1933 in Warsaw, a novelist and journalist who three times won the award of the Club of Social and Legal Journalists. He wrote other reports for the Ekspres Reporterów series and contributed to a 1988 anthology of court reportage, "Pęknięte lustra Temidy" (Wydawnictwo Prawnicze). We do not know whether that anthology includes a piece on the 1984 trial.[40]
Others
Życie Literackie revealed the Italians' names; Kurier Polski put the story on its front page; Życie Warszawy ran "Exploitation of man by man" in June; Bożena Basiewicz wrote in Nadodrze and Krystyna Świątecka in Tygodnik Kulturalny.[2][3][15]
Helena Kowalik, Wprost
Court reporter whose 2014 piece "Blondynki do konsumpcji" is today the fullest available account of the case.[2] Helena Kowalik-Ciemińska, born in 1941, wrote about criminal cases for forty years, among others for Życie Warszawy, Przegląd Tygodniowy and Prawo i Życie, and has published more than a dozen collections of court reportage; in 1991 she received the Bolesław Prus Award for her journalistic work.[41] Her Wprost pieces were collected in "PeeReL zza krat. Głośne sprawy sądowe z lat 1945–1989" (PWN); we have not checked whether it includes the Dziwex report. Her piece does not say which documents it draws on; the 1984 trial was closed to the public.
Marcin Dzierżanowski, My Company Polska
Author of the 2023 article that recovered the 1980 advert and the quotations from Nadodrze, Tygodnik Kulturalny and the defence counsel's memoirs.[3]

Court and defence

Stanisław Zabłocki
Defence counsel at the trial, then a Warsaw advocate who defended opposition activists in the 1980s, from 1991 a judge of the Supreme Court and in 2016 to 2020 its president in charge of the Criminal Chamber. In his memoirs he wrote that "the trial quickly dispelled the myths built around the case" and that "at moments the courtroom was frankly boring".[3]
The court
The bench was presided over by a woman judge. The trial was closed. In its reasoning the court wrote that "the publicity given to the affair hindered reaching the material truth at trial", and that televised arrests had punished the accused more than the verdict.[2][3]

Solidarity

Śpiewak's report drew a response from the Inter-Enterprise Coordinating Committee of the Solidarity union of entertainment-industry workers: "Revealing to the public an affair of this type, of a character and scale hitherto unknown in our country, was necessary in every respect. It became possible thanks to the changes taking place in Poland after August 1980."[3][5]

Historians

Anna Dobrowolska
Historian (Oxford, Basel). Author of Zawodowe dziewczyny, with the chapter "Mewki, tirówki i 'Dziwex'", and of "Everyone Dreams About Leaving". Her argument: the case exploded because it coincided with the "moral revolution" of 1980 to 1981.[3][5][6] Her Oxford doctoral thesis of 2021, "Sex, Communism, and Videotapes", is freely available; its footnotes give exact dates and pages for the 1981 articles this site relies on. She also cites Dariusz Stola's finding that in the 1980s between 70 and 85 percent of Poles polled said they were ready to go abroad to work.[42]